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- Ligne n°3 : PUBLIC BOOKS | Go to January 15 Issue
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- Ligne n°5 : Public Culture
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- Ligne n°7 : An interdisciplinary journal of transnational cultural studies
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- Ligne n°19 : You are viewing an article. Access the full version or browse recent
- Ligne n°20 : articles .
- Ligne n°21 :
- Ligne n°22 : Imagining Solidarity: Cosmopolitanism, Constitutional Patriotism, and the
- Ligne n°23 : Public Sphere
- Ligne n°24 :
- Ligne n°25 : Craig Calhoun
- Ligne n°26 :
- Ligne n°27 : Globalization and the coming of postnational and transnational society
- Ligne n°28 : are often presented as matters of necessity. Globalization appears as
- Ligne n°29 : an inexorable force—perhaps of progress, perhaps simply of a capitalist
- Ligne n°30 : juggernaut, but in any case irresistible. European integration, for
- Ligne n°31 : example, is often sold to voters as a necessary response to the global
- Ligne n°32 : integration of capital. In Asia, Latin America, and elsewhere, a
- Ligne n°33 : similar economistic imaginary is deployed to suggest that globalization
- Ligne n°34 : moves of itself, and governments and citizens have only the option of
- Ligne n°35 : adapting. Even where the globalist imaginary is not overwhelmingly
- Ligne n°36 : economistic, it commonly shares in the image of a progressive and
- Ligne n°37 : imperative modernization. Many accounts of the impact and implications
- Ligne n°38 : of information technology exemplify this.
- Ligne n°39 :
- Ligne n°40 : Alternatives to globalization, on the other hand, are generally
- Ligne n°41 : presented in terms of inherited identities and solidarities in need of
- Ligne n°42 : defense. Usually this means nations and cultural identities imagined on
- Ligne n°43 : the model of nations; sometimes it means religions, civilizations, or
- Ligne n°44 : other structures of identity presented by their advocates as received
- Ligne n°45 : rather than created. The social imaginary of inherited cultural
- Ligne n°46 : tradition and social identity is prominent in ideologies like Hindutva
- Ligne n°47 : and essential Ethiopianness, for example, as well as widespread notions
- Ligne n°48 : of “cultural survival.” These are denigrated by proponents of
- Ligne n°49 : transnational society, who see national and many other local
- Ligne n°50 : solidarities as backward or outmoded, impositions of the past on the
- Ligne n°51 : present. Both nationalist economic protectionism and Islamist
- Ligne n°52 : movements, thus, are seen as being simply the regressive opposite of
- Ligne n°53 : globalization. In each case, such a perspective leaves obscure the
- Ligne n°54 : transnational organization of the resistance movement.
- Ligne n°55 :
- Ligne n°56 : In many settings, the economistic, or technologistic, imaginary of
- Ligne n°57 : globalization is embraced by the very political leaders who advocate
- Ligne n°58 : nationalist, religious, or other imaginaries that emphasize inherited
- Ligne n°59 : cultural identity. The contradiction is avoided by assigning these to
- Ligne n°60 : separate spheres. The Chinese phrase ti-yong has long signaled this, a
- Ligne n°61 : condensation of “Western learning for material advancement, Eastern
- Ligne n°62 : learning for spiritual essence.” Similarly divided imaginaries inform
- Ligne n°63 : many Asian, Middle Eastern, and other societies. Even in Canada, a
- Ligne n°64 : recent Financial Times article reported, “the country wants to become a
- Ligne n°65 : lean global competitor while maintaining traditional local values.”1
- Ligne n°66 :
- Ligne n°67 : In this essay, I take up two aspects of this discourse of
- Ligne n°68 : globalization. First, I want to call attention to the dominance it
- Ligne n°69 : grants social imaginaries that emphasize necessity and obscure options
- Ligne n°70 : for political choice. Second, I want to address the inadequacy of most
- Ligne n°71 : approaches to social solidarity in this literature. I will focus
- Ligne n°72 : especially on the work of advocates of “cosmopolitan” approaches to
- Ligne n°73 : transnational politics, including Jürgen Habermas with his notion of
- Ligne n°74 : “constitutional patriotism.”
- Ligne n°75 :
- Ligne n°76 : I don’t mean to denigrate cosmopolitanism—in which I hope I share—but
- Ligne n°77 : to problematize its acceptance of economistic, modernizing imaginaries
- Ligne n°78 : without giving adequate attention to the formation of solidarity and
- Ligne n°79 : the conditions that enable collective choices about the nature of
- Ligne n°80 : society. In addition to questioning whether “thin identities” are
- Ligne n°81 : adequate underpinnings for democracy, I will suggest that the public
- Ligne n°82 : sphere be conceptualized not simply as a setting for rational debate
- Ligne n°83 : and decision making—thus largely disregarding or transcending issues of
- Ligne n°84 : identity—but as a setting for the development of social solidarity as a
- Ligne n°85 : matter of choice, rather than necessity. Such choice may be partly
- Ligne n°86 : rational and explicit, but is also a matter of “world-making” in Hannah
- Ligne n°87 : Arendt’s sense. The production of new culture is as important as
- Ligne n°88 : inheritance (and distinctions between the two are less clear than
- Ligne n°89 : common usage implies). We should accordingly broaden the sense of
- Ligne n°90 : constitutional patriotism to include culture-forming and
- Ligne n°91 : institution-shaping senses of constitution, as well as narrowly
- Ligne n°92 : legal-political ones. New ways of imagining identity, interests, and
- Ligne n°93 : solidarity make possible new material forms of social relations. These
- Ligne n°94 : in turn underwrite mutual commitments. The moment of choice can never
- Ligne n°95 : be fully separated from that of creativity or construction.
- Ligne n°96 :
- Ligne n°97 : Cosmopolitanism and Constitutional Patriotism
- Ligne n°98 :
- Ligne n°99 : Contemplating simultaneously the questions of German integration and
- Ligne n°100 : European integration, Habermas has called for grounding political
- Ligne n°101 : identity in constitutional patriotism.2 This is an important
- Ligne n°102 : concretization of a more general and increasingly widespread but not
- Ligne n°103 : uncontested cosmopolitanism. The concept suggests both constitutional
- Ligne n°104 : limits to political loyalty and loyalty to the legally enacted
- Ligne n°105 : constitution as such. In the latter dimension, which Habermas
- Ligne n°106 : emphasizes, the constitution provides both a referent for public
- Ligne n°107 : discussion and a set of procedural norms to organize it and orient it
- Ligne n°108 : to justifiable ends. The specific contents of any conception of the
- Ligne n°109 : good life may vary, then, and modern societies will always admit of
- Ligne n°110 : multiple such conceptions. Constitutional patriotism underwrites no
- Ligne n°111 : single one of these, but rather a commitment to the justification of
- Ligne n°112 : collective decisions and the exercise of power in terms of fairness. It
- Ligne n°113 : is thus compatible with a wide range of specific constitutional
- Ligne n°114 : arrangements, and with a variable balance between direct reference to
- Ligne n°115 : universal rights and procedural norms on the one hand and a more
- Ligne n°116 : specific political culture on the other.
- Ligne n°117 :
- Ligne n°118 : Similarly, ideas of rights and justice underpin a new movement of calls
- Ligne n°119 : for cosmopolitan democracy, democracy not limited by nation-states.3
- Ligne n°120 : Though this is not a uniquely European development, there is a notable
- Ligne n°121 : link between the cosmopolitan message and a certain sense of “movement”
- Ligne n°122 : in European intellectual life. It harks back directly to the
- Ligne n°123 : Enlightenment (complete with residual echoes of eighteenth-century
- Ligne n°124 : aristocratic culture). It also commonly expresses a sense of what
- Ligne n°125 : Europeans have learned about living together in a multinational region
- Ligne n°126 : and of how Europeans may take on a civilized (if not precisely
- Ligne n°127 : civilizing) mission in a conflict-ridden larger world. Cosmopolitanism
- Ligne n°128 : is potentially consonant with a vision of a Europe of the
- Ligne n°129 : nations—preserving not only cultural difference but also political
- Ligne n°130 : autonomy—so long as nationalism is not ethnically communitarian and is
- Ligne n°131 : subordinated to human and civil rights. But it has a stronger affinity
- Ligne n°132 : with visions of confederation or of an even greater degree of
- Ligne n°133 : integration, although it emphasizes the outward obligations of
- Ligne n°134 : Europeans. What it eschews most is nationalism—especially in its
- Ligne n°135 : separatist forms, but also any application of the nationalist vision of
- Ligne n°136 : cultural community to supranational polities. What it claims most, in
- Ligne n°137 : the spirit of Kant, is that people should see themselves as citizens of
- Ligne n°138 : the world, not just of their countries.
- Ligne n°139 :
- Ligne n°140 : End of Excerpt | access full version
- Ligne n°141 :
- Ligne n°142 : Notes
- Ligne n°143 :
- Ligne n°144 : Earlier versions of parts of this text were presented as a Benjamin
- Ligne n°145 : Meaker Lecture at the University of Bristol in June 2000 and to the
- Ligne n°146 : Center for Transcultural Studies in July 2000. I am grateful for
- Ligne n°147 : discussion from both audiences and especially to colleagues in the
- Ligne n°148 : Center for their sustained challenges to and shaping of my ideas over
- Ligne n°149 : many years.
- Ligne n°150 : 1. Scott Morrison and Ken Warn, “Liberals Strive to Sharpen
- Ligne n°151 : Competitive Edge,” in “Canada Survey,” Financial Times, 11 June
- Ligne n°152 : 2001, 1–2.
- Ligne n°153 : 2. Habermas’s abstract theoretical formulations are not altogether
- Ligne n°154 : separate from his contributions to German public debate—notably, in
- Ligne n°155 : this case, in relation to the incorporation of the East into a
- Ligne n°156 : united but West-dominated Germany; to the “historians’ debate” over
- Ligne n°157 : the legacy of the Third Reich; and to the debate over changes in
- Ligne n°158 : the citizenship law, enacted in watered-down form to grant the
- Ligne n°159 : children of immigrants naturalization rights. See, among many
- Ligne n°160 : others, the essays collected in Jürgen Habermas, The Inclusion of
- Ligne n°161 : the Other: Studies in Political Theory, ed. Ciaran Cronin and Pablo
- Ligne n°162 : De Greiff (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1998).
- Ligne n°163 : 3. For thoughtful examples, see essays in Daniele Archibugi and David
- Ligne n°164 : Held, eds., Cosmopolitan Democracy: An Agenda for a New World Order
- Ligne n°165 : (Cambridge, Mass.: Polity, 1995); and Daniele Archibugi, David
- Ligne n°166 : Held, and Martin Köhler, eds., Re-Imagining Political Community:
- Ligne n°167 : Studies in Cosmopolitan Democracy (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford
- Ligne n°168 : University Press, 1998); and the more sustained exposition in David
- Ligne n°169 : Held, Democracy and the Global Order: From the Modern State to
- Ligne n°170 : Cosmopolitan Governance (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University
- Ligne n°171 : Press, 1995). Habermas issues a similar call in Inclusion of the
- Ligne n°172 : Other. See also the essays connecting the present to Kant’s
- Ligne n°173 : cosmopolitan project in James Bohman and Matthias Lutz-Bachmann,
- Ligne n°174 : eds., Perpetual Peace: Essays on Kant’s Cosmopolitan Ideal
- Ligne n°175 : (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1997).
- Ligne n°176 :
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- Ligne n°196 : * Modern Social Imaginaries
- Ligne n°197 : Charles Taylor
- Ligne n°198 : * Publics and Counterpublics
- Ligne n°199 : Michael Warner
- Ligne n°200 : * Notes on Gridlock: Genealogy, Intimacy, Sexuality
- Ligne n°201 : Elizabeth A. Povinelli
- Ligne n°202 : * Toward New Imaginaries: An Introduction
- Ligne n°203 : Dilip Parameshwar Gaonkar
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- Ligne n°205 : About the Journal
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- Ligne n°207 : Public Culture is a reviewed interdisciplinary journal of cultural
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